Every time we are offering to the winner of the Competition a certain number of concerts in Europe, the United States and Japan during two years after the reception of the Prize. It is the regulation of the Competition, - said to the ‘EU Reporter’ Yves Robert, the French member of the Jury. ‘The final concert is given at the European Parliament to conclude the engagement towards the winner and to launch a new competition’.
At the moment until the end of May the Competition is receiving inscriptions in ensemble of European capitals: London, Paris, Milan, Moscow, Berlin and Vilnius. The jury consists of seven nationals of various European countries: Germany, Austria, France, Poland, Finland, Ireland and Lithuania, chairing the contest as President of the Council of the European Union during the second half of 2013. The musicians perform works exclusively on instruments of the Japanese firm Shigeru Kawai – the rivals to Steinway. Kawai company is not only producing exquisite pianos, but generously sponsoring cultural activities to promote piano music.
It was not an ordinary experience for Daria to perform in the European Parliament’s Mezzanine a virtuoso program of Chopin, Beethoven and Rachmaninoff oeuvre while people were walking from one floor to the other, turning heads and switching to whisper when hearing the sounds music.
‘If I knew that it will be in such an open space, I would prepare much lighter program, - said Daria to the EU Reporter. – It was quite unusual for me. I must admit it was first time’, - adds she with a smile.
Not afraid of difficulties as a real winner should be it was Daria who guided the workers to install the beautiful grand-piano ‘Shigeru Kawai’ next to the wooden wall to get ‘better quality of the sound’.
The readiness to overcome the obstacles is more than self-discipline indispensable for anyone who chose music for profession; Daria switched to piano after a successful start in ballet, attending famous Bolshoi College. It was a fatal trauma that forced her to abandon the ballet abruptly at age of 14.
Born into the family of the physics Daria (26) says that her parents tried their best to give her broader education, especially focused on arts. ‘Once my mother has dreamt to become a musician, so she supported me all along the way’. Next to her parents Daria phrases her teachers at different stages of her brilliant career, being convinced that programs and methods of Russian music schools are perfected to such an extent that they remain unchallenged. While there are talented teachers in different countries, Russian music educations stays at high level as an institution.
‘I wish musicians had easier life in Russia, - regrets Daria. – In spite of their high professionalism the earnings stay inferior. Many have to leave for the West, looking for better working conditions’.
Herself she is just making first steps at the stage outside Russia, participating in Kyoto Music Festival and winning Maria Canals Competition in Barcelona in 2011. Her greatest success so far is 2011 First prize at the European Piano Competition in France.
In spite of objective hardships of a classical musician’s profession in Russia, being exceptionally gifted student Daria got grants from Spivakov and Russian president’s foundations which allowed her to graduate from Moscow Tchaikovsky Conservatory.
The classical education bore fruit of an exceptional attachment to the Old Masters: ‘If I would come across music of my contemporary equal to Bach, I would be delighted to perform it!’
Till now Beethoven late sonata’s stay the most magnetic to interpret: ‘Each of his late sonata’s are so profound, they have an infinite depth, as each of them was a philosophical conclusion of this entire life’, - said the pianist to explain her choice of Sonata 30 flat major.
However unconventional the format of the Gala-concert of the winner of European competition of young pianists was it caused genuine interest and admiration, making the walkers to stop and to take a reflection pause, standing in a line along the windows.
‘Thanking Daria for the magnificent performance I joked about ‘non-academic’ atmosphere of the event, reminding our Estonian proverb: ‘Now you have something to try to forget!’, meaning that many-many years lager you will forget the inconveniences and you’ll be reminiscent of the this experience because of the warmth of feeling and genuine gratitude of people how came’, - said MEP Ojuland from ‘European Music Concerts’ to the ‘EU Reporter’.
The performances of the IV Competition are scheduled for 9 -20 October in Ouistreham and Caen in Normandie.
In spring 2010, EBR had the honour of interviewing MEP Kristiina Ojuland, the former Foreign Minister of Estonia, about EU-Russia Relations. At that time, Mrs Ojuland, member of the EP Committee on Foreign Affairs and the EP delegation for Russia, showed a glimpse of optimism: ‘relations between the EU and Russia have to be built up, step by step; we need mutual trust, on both sides’.
Meeting the Estonian former minister again in her EP office after some three years, she sounds pessimistic, disappointed and concerned.
‘There is a huge deception and concern about Kremlin policies taking Russia away from its own constitution and from international engagement. There were a number of resolutions of the EP calling for those in power in Moscow to respect their own undertakings. Russia is not at all implementing their obligations to the OSCE, the Council of Europe or the EU. Promises to modernise society are dead. In my opinion, modernisation is only possible in a democratic process and with respect for human rights. We have seen what happened during the last two major Russian elections, December 2011 and March 2012. President Putin politics are not only against his political enemies but also against the Russian people, against civil society. He wants to control the economy and the major businesses. His politics look more and more like Stalin’s totalitarian politics.’
If I heard Commission President Barroso correctly when he and 15 (!) Commissioners visited Putin and Medvedev mid-March, the message was not really pessimistic. He said to Prime Minister Medvedev: ‘I am very satisfied with the positive spirit of our discussions which were a step forward in the consolidation of our strategic partnership’.
‘Please don’t misinterpretate these words; that meeting wasn’t an exception to the downward spiral trend. At the moment everybody is looking at the upcoming Summit in Yekaterinburg. There EU leaders will raise serious questions as Council President Herman van Rompuy did at the Summit in St. Petersburg. Human rights will be the major focus. As you might know the Russian Helsinki group has been relaunched’.
Do you expect that with Putin’s ‘Eurasian Union’ with Belarus and Kazakhstan plus perhaps Georgia and Uzbekistan more or less returning to Russian influence in the near future, that this is threatening for the EU? Especially in the field of energy delivery for those EU countries dependent on Russian energy?
Regarding the influence of Russia on former Soviet Republics I can only say that there is no fatality. For instance Estonia, my home country, has been nearly 50 years under Russian occupation. But now we are members of the EU and of the NATO. It depends on the will and determination of the political elites and civil society. As far as energy is concerned there are new sources of energy like shale gas. And green energies for southern countries, like solar energy for instance, might be interesting. So the dependency on Russian energy is an issue to be overcome. And of course, it is also a matter of political will!’
What do you think about the visit of the new Chinese leader Xi Jinping to Moscow? His first foreign trip as Chinese President was to meet his Russian colleague President Putin.
‘Russia-China relations are a grateful subject of studies and of speculation! Don’t forget these two countries share the longest border in the world. However I would like to focus on Human rights. Comparing the two, I can say that fortunately Russia has an ambition to share European values, China doesn't. I don't see Russia shifting into the arms of China. Historically and culturally Russia belongs to Europe. On the other hand, undoubtedly, in many global policy areas China and Russia's positions are close. Syria is a good example of this’.
My conclusion is, when I compare your vision of Russia today with that of three years ago: you are deeply disappointed and not very optimistic about the future…
‘As Guy Verhofstadt and I stated two months ago, from its inception the EU-Russia partnership was expected to become more than a simple exchange of Russian hydrocarbons for European-made manufactured goods, medicine, food and, not least, luxury items. It was seen as a process for normalising relations with Russia and encouraging it down the path towards becoming a modern, stable country with a more open society. But this ambition is elusive…’.
Article by N. Peter Kramer
Published European Business Review
Expansion of the range of electronic services rendered to taxpayers, limitation of human (physical) contact with taxpayers while introducing modern information technologies is one of the priorities of the Ministry of Taxes of the Republic of Azerbaijan, which consistently realizes new projects in this area.
Continuous development of information technologies and mobile services in Azerbaijan encourages wider use of electronic services by the population and prioritizes the need for electronic signature. Therefore, preparation of the new generation of electronic services in line with ASAN activities is under way within the framework of the mobile-government project. The launch of the Certificate Service Centre on e-signature at the Ministry of Taxes of the Republic of Azerbaijan and integration of the center with Mobile ID (“Asan Imza”) center created by the International Consortium (France, Sweden, Finland, Estonia, Azerbaijan) can be seen as a basis for transition from e-Government to m-Government (mobile government).
The Ministry of Taxes of the Republic of Azerbaijan, together with the Ministry of Communications and Information Technologies and the State Agency for Public Services and Social Innovations under the President of the Republic of Azerbaijan (ASAN) held a conference on the 2nd of May, 2013 on “Asan Imza (Mobile ID) – the key to Mobile Government”. The Conference was dedicated to the new Project – opening of the Sertificate Service Centre on Mobile ID carried out by the Ministry of Taxes according to the National Action Plan on propoganda of open government for 2012-2015 approved by the presidential decree of the Republic of Azerbaijan from September, 2012.
The aim of the conference was to raise public awareness of and have discussions on the procedures of obtaining Asan Imza, advantages of its application and possible contribution to the use of e-government services by citizens and further development of internet and mobile banking.
The Conference was attended by state officials, Minister of Taxes Mr. Fazil Mammadov, Minister of Communications and Information Technologies Mr. Ali Abbasov, Head of the State Agency for Public Services and Social Innovations under the President of the Republic of Azerbaijan Mr. Inam Karimov, Ambassador of Estonia to Azerbaijan Mr. Miko Haljas, member of EU Parliament Mrs. Kristiina Ojuland, representatives of foreign and local companies dealing with Mobile ID, representatives of state bodies, employers organizations, enterprises, foreign embassies and representative officies.
Reacting to news that the Russian Ambassador to Ireland has written to Irish Members of Parliament threatening to block a treaty on Irish adoptions of Russian children unless Irish parliamentarians drop a Russian-critical human rights resolution, Guy Verhofstadt, ALDE leader reacted in strong terms:
Reacting to news that the Russian Ambassador to Ireland has written to Irish Members of Parliament threatening to block a treaty on Irish adoptions of Russian children unless Irish parliamentarians drop a Russian-critical human rights resolution, Guy Verhofstadt, ALDE leader reacted in strong terms:
"Russian foreign policy once again is showing its ugly face. Blackmailing used by the Russian authorities against Ireland is unacceptable and must be met by a solid and united EU stand. The letter that the Irish Parliament received from the Russian Embassy, threatens that the passing of the Magnitsky legislation in the Dail will lead to a ban on Irish adoption of Russian children. We cannot succumb to pressure.
The European Council should not shy away from its responsibility in agreeing to an EU wide Magnitsky visa ban list. It is now also essential to have the case of Sergey Magnitsky placed on the agenda of the forthcoming EU-Russia Summit. I call on the Council and Commission Presidents and High Representative to clearly state their solidarity with the Irish Presidency in Office."
Kristiina Ojuland (Estonian Reform Party), EP rapporteur on the Magnitsky report in the EP, described the letter of the Russian Ambassador to the Chairman of the Irish Foreign Affairs Committee as a blackmail attempt undermining democratic values:
"I am terribly disappointed that the Russian side has decided to protect the corrupt officials that were involved in Magnitsky's death. The Magnitsky law could be a useful tool for the Kremlin to help fight the deep-rooted corruption and show respect for the universal nature of human rights."
If there is one thing that truly alarms the Russian elite, it is the prospect of being denied access to their European villas and Europe’s shops. Indeed, within hours of returning to the presidency last May Vladimir Putin passed an executive order pointedly prioritising the fight against “unilateral extraterritorial sanctions” against Russian “legal entities and individuals”.
Although he did not mention Sergei Magnitsky by name, Putin’s move was an unambiguous reference to the threat of targeted sanctions against the Russian officials identified as having played a role in the detention, torture and death of Magnitsky, a lawyer who uncovered the embezzlement of $230 million of state money.
Putin’s executive order specifically mentioned the United States. Undeterred, seven months later Congress passed the Justice for Sergei Magnitsky Act, which imposes a travel ban and asset freeze on those who were involved in the events that led to Magnitsky’s death.
Russia’s reaction was furious, expressed most evidently in a hastily adopted law banning the adoption of Russian children by US citizens.
Imagine, then, how much harsher Russia’s reaction would have been if that legislation had been passed by the European Union. Europe is closer physically, and more significant economically than the US. Europe’s fashion, private schools and, increasingly, the certainties of its legal systems and free societies are profoundly attractive to wealthy Russians.
But the probability of a tough reaction should not dissuade the EU from doing what it should. Russia has been allowed for too long to lead and manipulate the relationship with the EU.
A European Magnitsky list would be a powerful sign of solidarity with Magnitsky’s family, and a carefully targeted affirmation of European values.
But the EU could go further still. Last October, the European Parliament voted in favour of a recommendation, which called for sanctions not just against those who connived in Magnitsky’s death, but also for similar measures against those thought to be responsible for other serious human-rights violations.
Member States have, however, shown little appetite for such sanctions, even if they are regularly imposed on the elites of Syria, Iran and Zimbabwe. This is disappointing, if entirely predictable, given how Russia’s divide-and-rule policy has neutered the EU’s approach towards Moscow.
What was not predictable, however, is the alacrity with which the EU now seems to be heading towards relaxing its visa policy with Russia. Recently, two member states with key business and banking relationships with Russia – Germany and Luxembourg – quietly dropped their opposition to visa-free entry into the EU for holders of Russian service passports. An agreement later this year looks increasingly likely, since the waiver would require only the backing of a qualified majority.
Capitulation by the EU would be a colossal victory for Putin. It would vindicate his predominantly bilateral approach to managing relations with the EU. He has prioritised visa liberalisation with the EU as much as he has prioritised combating Magnitsky legislation by the EU.
Soon, thousands of Russian officials – possibly 15,000 – could be allowed to enter the EU with no questions asked. They may well include the officials whose corruption led Magnitsky to prison, and whose violence led Magnitsky to his death.
While the European Parliament is trying to fight impunity, the other European institutions seem to want to reward those who prop up Putin’s authoritarian and repressive regime. It highlights the inconsistency and incoherence – and perhaps hypocrisy – of the EU’s policy towards Russia.
There should be no progress towards visa-free travel for Russian officials without concomitant moves towards the adoption of an EU Magnitsky law. It is time for the EU to put some backbone in its Russia policy and understand the leverage that it has over the Kremlin.
The history knows many great statesmen and their names are passed in our memories from generation to generation. But we should recognise the fact that we have visionaries living next to us. I am speaking about two great liberals whose decisions influence us here today; us, the people living on the coast of the Baltic Sea. You may understand that I am talking about the proposal that was made slightly after the collapse of the Soviet Union by Hans Dietrich Genscher and Uffe Ellemann Jensen. Both were Foreign Ministers of their countries in 1992 when they came up with the idea to create a model of certain co-operation among the countries of the Baltic Sea. If we analyze today, 15 years later, the changes that have resulted from that proposal, then we can conclude that enormous change have taken place not only in the countries of the ex-Soviet bloc, the Baltics and Poland, but also in the Nordic countries, EU and NATO . In addition to the structural reforms in the countries of the Baltic Sea, we have experienced the opening relationship between people.
Earlier this year I was attending similar type of conference in Bornholm organised by Danish Radikale Venstre. We discussed exactly the same topic as we do here today. But the striking example that I want to give from that meeting is the following. At the conference I met an old man who has lived his whole life on that little lovely island. He told me about living in Bornholm in the years of the Cold War. He said frankly that in the 80-ies, ordinary Dane would not have been able to make a difference between the Baltic Sea countries, let alone to know their capitals. 20 years later everything has changed. Our people are free and they live in democratic countries. The periphery of the 20th Century has become fastest growing region of the EU.
However, today we face the question of how to keep going in a sustainable and competitive way.
Year by year we see increasing co-operation among the Baltic Sea countries, we have certain transport corridors, we protect the environment of the Baltic Sea and we have more joint projects in the field of education, research and development. Our common challenge is how to guarantee energy security. We all know that the supply depends on the will of Russia, and so far we lack the European energy grid. We know all too well that our region is the only one in the EU, which has a physical border with Russia, and that Russia is drifting away from the European values. There are many other figures and arguments which unite us.
BUT, there the question of do we do enough still remains. Are we able to propose ideas, which meet the expectations of our citizens?
I think that the economic growth and competitiveness of the region is something that should remain at the core of the Baltic Sea Strategy. According the World Economic Forum and the Baltic Development Forum we have several advantages in comparison with the other similar same size regions in the EU:
- high labour productivity
- scientific innovation
- strong physical infrastructure
- skilled labour force
- low level of corruption
- strong clusters
According to international research, the competitive and economic freedom indexes are high in individual countries. For example, in the report “Doing business in 2008” by the World Bank, among the 178 countries Denmark ranks 5th, Iceland -10th Norway - 11th, Finland - 13th, Sweden - 14th and Estonia - 17th. The report takes into account the expenses of the entrepreneur in 10 fields: for example from creating a company, registration of an ownership to hiring and firing labour. It is also important to know that the countries like Singapore, New Zealand, the USA and Hong Kong are heading up the list. And that means we have not been able to fully exploit our potential. The key weakness of the region is the low level of internal competitive pressure. None of the countries in the region have separately a market big enough to promote needed competition. The only solution is to improve integration of the markets in the region.
I would also like to say that competition among the BSC in the field of taxation would add some fresh blood. Like it or not, but if we want to keep investments in our region in the long-term perspective, then taxation policies have to be kept attractive. Policies should also be simple and promoting investments.
The other motivating factor for the faster development is the difference in living standards of the countries of the Baltic Sea region. There are rich Nordic Countries and wealthy Northern Germany and poorer Baltic countries and Poland. This may sound strange, nevertheless human, that the poorer countries want to catch up as fast as possible. This desire makes countries and the people work harder. For example, my party set a political goal that Estonia would be among five wealthiest countries of the EU in 15 years. This is a vision, and at the same time it is a concrete goal with certain action plan. Ambitions of this kind keep wealthy Baltic Sea countries in the process of development and ready for competition. I believe that this situation creates a special synergy for growth and competitiveness.
Transport, energy and innovation
The current transport system is designed to meet the needs at the national level, and is not optimal for a modern situation in which transport is becoming more and more international. The development of cargo transport by creating efficient transport chain in the Region, promoting combined means of transportation and establishing the Baltic Sea Region as a central transport link between the East and the West should be supported. A new railway “Rail Baltica” which would connect the Baltic countries to the other Member States is vital.
We need a common strategy for innovation. As long as our human potential is limited, we need to provide it with real challenges in the field of innovation and scientific research. We are too small to do it alone. Brain potential should be concentrated to avoid brain drain into places were modern and sufficient conditions for creation exist. We should also be able to harmonise our educational systems.
And last, but not least, part of common strategy should be creating an E-Baltic Sea Region. The new IT solutions like e-government, e-elections, e-medicine, e-services, e-signatures, e-banking, e-schools should be implemented immediately. Because the Baltic Sea countries are well equipped in the field of IT, we should be aware of the cyber attack threats and cooperate against possible attacks in the future.
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